the Morning Briefing every morning at no charge.
The leader of the conservatives in the United States House of Representatives, Jim Jordan (R-OH), is coming to the RedState Gathering.
Congressman Jordan is the Chairman of the Republican Study Committee, which often fights the Republican Leadership from the right. It’s a tough job and he handles it well. Future Indiana Governor Mike Pence was once the RSC Chairman, along with Congressmen Jeb Hensarling and Tom Price.
Jim Jordan fights day in and day out for smaller government and often fights the pro-life statists within the Republican Party to get the job done.
Come give him a round of applause and hear what he has to say at the RedState Gathering. Time is running out to register. Go to www.redstategathering.com right now to register.
I hope to see you there.
I look at Texas and see David Dewhurst pouring in money to beat Ted Cruz. A new poll is out and the race is very tight, but Dewhurst has a huge money advantage.
Unfortunately, conservative organizations that have stood with Cruz are not pouring in the money he needs to be able to win.
I look at North Carolina and see pretty much every Republican squish in Congress pouring money into the race for Richard Hudson while so many conservative groups are on the sidelines for Scott Keadle. Only the Club For Growth seems to be fighting hard for him.
I see all the Super PACs gearing up to fight for Mitt Romney, but too few are fighting for conservatives. Jim DeMint cannot do it all by himself. Neither can the Club for Growth.
I see a conservative movement sitting on the sidelines offering nice tokens of support, but only tokens. There are races to be won and conservatives are twiddling their thumbs.
Environmental regulations restricting the construction of forest access roads have limited the ability of the Forest Service to clear combustible brush and trees, adding dangerous fuel to the wildfires that have ravaged Colorado this summer. The so-called “roadless rule,” which was first implemented in 2001 by President Clinton shortly before he left office, restricts and in many cases prohibits local and federal officials from building and maintaining roads that allow firefighters to clear out growth that could instantly become tinder for a new fire.
Opposition research is the grist of stark contrasts, fine tuned messages, and yes, even negative campaign tactics. And usually it is a closely guarded secret. An opponent’s record matters in a race, and a good campaign will accumulate as much information as possible about an opponent and strategically time the release of that information to maximize their position and weaken their opponent. The Democrat Congressional Campaign Committee has made opposition research an increasingly central part of its role in Democrat congressional campaigns nationwide.
Less than two months after the DCCC gave Roll Call exclusive access to some of its opposition research meetings but prohibited the paper from mentioning the names of targeted Republicans, Media Trackers obtained 35 of the projected total of 75 opposition research notebooks. The digital tomes, ranging from a few dozen to hundreds of pages in length, are a treasure trove of talking points and attacks that the public can expect Democrats and their allies to level at Republican candidates ahead of November.
The House voted today to fully repeal Obamacare. It is important that we keep Obamacare at the forefront of the debate, but we must also act in a meaningful way to disrupt its implementation. The more smoothly this behemoth is enacted, the harder it will be to repeal. To that end, we turn to the 29 Republican governors to lead the way.
I recently finished reading Sean Trende’s excellent book The Lost Majority, which is a must-read for anyone attempting to intelligently discuss its subject: how winning political coalitions are built, maintained and undone in the modern American two-party system. Trende covers a range of topics. At the level of political science theory, he dismantles the theory of periodic realigning elections. In his historical analysis, he may surprise you by arguing that the most enduring coalition of the past century was assembled not by McKinley, FDR, or Reagan but Dwight Eisenhower. Looking to the recent past and future, he convincingly demonstrates that Obama’s 2008 coalition was always more fragile than Democrats at the time believed, and that there remain obstacles to the John Judis/Ruy Teixeira theory of an Emerging Democratic Majority. Trende’s major point is that all such predictions of enduring partisan majorities (he cites many dating back over the past century and a half) ignore the fact that political coalitions inevitably draw together factions with different interests and ideologies, and frictions within those coalitions inevitably offer opportunities for the other party to regain support.
But one of the historical narratives that Trende covers in depth is of particular interest because it remains a crucial part of partisan mythology today: the enduring myth of the Southern Strategy.
This is amazingly pathetic.
David Dewhurst’s campaign gets his state government website altered to cover up his lying about his amnesty position.
What happens? His media consultants invade RedState to accuse Ted Cruz of supporting Chicoms and attack RedState for supporting Cruz.
In fact, this is not the first time Dewhurst’s media consultants have done this.
Using the user name “Liberty Patriot,” Dewhurst’s consultants have dropped by four times to attack Ted Cruz at RedState.